James Alan Fox
August 9, 2015
Ferguson shooting a year ago was
just the first in a disturbing string of deaths.
On Sunday, it has been a
year since Michael Brown, an 18-year-old black man, was fatally shot by a white
police officer in Ferguson, Mo. The incident set off a firestorm of protests and
civil unrest, including violent confrontations between the police and black
demonstrators in a once obscure suburb of St. Louis.
Of course, the Ferguson
shooting was just the first in a disturbing string of widely publicized
deaths of black citizens while being stopped by the police or in custody,
giving rise to the rallying cry, "Black Lives Matter." Meanwhile,
politicians, the press and the general public wanted to know: What's the
matter with cops today?
Has the behavior of the
police really changed regarding the use of lethal force, as many citizens
contend? Are cops more inclined to shoot first and investigate later,
especially during encounters with black citizens, as some activists claim?
Based on available FBI data,
the number of suspected felons killed by law enforcement officers during the
commission of a crime or while attempting to flee has increased by about 50%
since 2000. But the rate of violent crime has continued to decline, which
fails to explain the upturn in deadly force.
The surprising and important
truth about the trend in use of deadly force is that the increase involving
whites killed by the police has outpaced that of black victims. From 2000 to
2013, the number of whites killed by the police increased 57%, while the
number of blacks killed by the police increased 42%. Could it be that public
indignation when white cops kill blacks is greater than when they kill
whites? Are we more critical of certain white-on-black police encounters by
presuming racism as a contributing factor rather than seeing the matter as a
few police officers doing their job recklessly?
These questions are not
meant to serve as a blanket apology for rogue cops. There is nothing, for
example, that would justify the actions of the white North Charleston,
S.C.police officer who is charged with murder for allegedly firing off eight
rounds and killing an unarmed 50-year-old black father of four, as he ran
from the officer.
That the North Charleston
shooting and several other questionable police encounters were captured on
video has certainly magnified the sense of outrage. Seeing is believing and
sometimes indicting.
Now is not the first time
that fatal shootings by the police have risen. From the mid-1980s to the
early-1990s, the number of suspected felons gunned down by the policerose
sharply, including a twofold increase in the number of blacks killed.
However, that was an era
when violent crime rates were also spiraling out of control. Americans
closed their eyes to the sometimes dubious actions of the police, being far
more concerned about eradicating the growing scourge of lawlessness.
During the crime surge, the
police had a broad mandate: resolve the crisis in virtually whatever way
possible. The ends justified the means. But now that crime rates are low, as
low as they have been for decades, the public is questioning the means.
Actually, the police were
not the greatest threat to black citizens and the tranquility of their
neighborhoods during the late-80s crime wave. At that time, blacks were only
12%of the U.S. population, yet constituted nearly half of the nation's
homicide victims. Moreover, well over 90% of these black homicide victims
were slain by members of their own race. Black lives do indeed matter, but
not just when they are taken by officers in blue.
In the year since the
Ferguson shooting, lawmakers around the country have filed legislation out
of mounting concern for cops who are too quick on the trigger, including
mandates for better training of recruits, expanded use of dashboard and body
cameras, and reductions in the deployment of military-style equipment.
Whatever comes of these initiatives, let them be guided by sound judgment
and not fiery race-based slogans.
James
Alan Fox is the Lipman Professor of Criminology, Law
and Public Policy at Northeastern University and a member of the USA TODAY
Board of Contributors.